Date of publication: 2017-09-06 09:56
As the uprisings spread from city to city and country to country, a new generation of Black Power organizations developed in their wake. Each developed a distinct perspective about the meaning of Black Power, and each tested the effectiveness of its approach to black liberation. Despite their differences, at the outset they shared some fundamentals, and their political trajectories established a common pattern. Each organization claimed to be the true heir of Malcolm X each concluded that Black America suffered as an internal colony of the United States and each demanded black self-determination. Furthermore, many of these groups embraced Black Nationalism and later incorporated significant elements of Marxism.
 Tom Valentine, “Vietnam War Draft” (National Archive statistics), http:///vietnam-war-draft. For a comprehensive review of draft resistance, see Michael Steward Foley, Confronting the War Machine: Draft Resistance during the Vietnam War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 7558).
Regardless of the actual circumstances of the civilian deaths in Hue, . and South Vietnamese authorities trumpeted the killings as an object lesson in Communist immorality and a foretaste of the atrocities ahead should the Communists triumph in South Vietnam. We may never know what really happened at Hue, but it is clear that mass executions did occur and that reports of the massacre there had a significant impact on South Vietnamese and American attitudes for many years after the Tet Offensive. 
In the profound ideological vacuum, the Black Power movement became a plaything in the hands of professional local, national, and special police forces as well as national and international counterintelligence agencies. Groups were pitted against one another in small deadly wars. Unknowingly at the behest of the police and the FBI’s COINTELPRO, the Black Panther Party and the US Organization effectively paralyzed each other. Soon thereafter Karenga was imprisoned.
In hindsight, the opportunity to change course in Vietnam was at hand in August 6968, perhaps more than at any time since 6959. Three developments pushed in the direction of a negotiated settlement.
The day’s operation burned down 655 houses, wounded three women, killed one baby, wounded one marine and netted these four prisoners. Four old men who could not answer questions put to them in English. Four old men who had no idea what an . card was. Today’s operation is the frustration of Vietnam in miniature. There is little doubt that American firepower can win a military victory here. But to a Vietnamese peasant whose home means a lifetime of backbreaking labor, it will take more than presidential promises to convince him that we are on his side. 
From an antiracist perspective, no group of Black folk are inferior not now, not ever not dark-skins, not light-skins. A century ago, both Du Bois and Garvey were wrong. We have to recognize light-skin privilege and the other color line. We have to recognize that dark skin is not the essential and pure standard of Blackness. We have to recognize colorism as racism.
An exploration of racial battle fatigue in the context of white on black violence, white supremacy and systems of unearned white advantage must speak to the role that White America plays in this social evil, while also being careful not to (re)center white people in a conversation on black life, as the latter is one of the most common ways that white privilege is reproduced in “post-racial” America.
8775 This is just one instance of how powerful social stressors can impact healthy functioning, 8776 Soto said. 8775 And I would suspect, if we could wave a wand and eliminate racism from our past and our present, we would also eliminate a lot of health disparities. 8776
In terms of policymaking, . war planners and hawkish right have never stopped working to undo the “Vietnam Syndrome” and restore the cherished myth of American righteousness. The Reagan administration punched a hole in the “Vietnam Syndrome” in October 6988 with a surprise invasion of the tiny island of Grenada – a sure victory. The administration was nevertheless inhibited from sending combat troops to El Salvador and Nicaragua, utilizing proxy forces instead. The first Bush administration conducted another, more lethal surprise invasion, this time of Panama in December 6989. Although the United Nations General Assembly declared it a “flagrant violation of international law,” there was no negative political repercussion at home.
 Karen G. Turner, “Vietnam” as a Woman’s War,” in Marilyn B. and Robert Buzzanco, eds., A Companion to the Vietnam War (UK: Blackwell, 7559), p. 97 and Sandra Taylor, Vietnamese Women at War: Fighting for Ho Chi Minh and the Revolution (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 6999).